Over at Insty, the NYEffingTimes pushes hysteria. Again. Also,
“Comparatively speaking, Mayors Against Illegal Guns members are almost eight times more likely to be convicted of crimes than Florida concealed firearm license holders – but that number is based off 23 years of licenses versus four years of MAIG. Assuming the mayors had as much history as the licenses, and assuming the same trend (11 mayors convicted in four years – a sizeable assumption, but it is all the data we have to operate on), you are looking at MAIG members being over 45 times more likely to be convicted of crimes than Florida concealed firearm license holders. How funny is that?”
Moving on, I wonder if we'll ever find out how many bodies Holder participated in the creation of?
And, from Sipsey, on that guy Burke:
...It should be noted that Burke is not a newcomer to the business of gun control. In an article in the Arizona Republic about the political ramifications on Arizona politicians for supporting gun control, former Sen. Dennis DeConcini (D-AZ), a supporter of the Clinton "Assault Weapons Ban", had this to say about Dennis Burke:DeConcini credits Judiciary Committee staff aide Dennis Burke, now the U.S. attorney for Arizona, for much of the work in developing the ban, which became law during DeConcini's final year in the Senate but expired after 10 years.Burke also was Senior Policy Analyst for the White House's Domestic Policy Council from 1995 to 1997. This time overlaps with when Elena Kagan - now Justice Kagan - served as its Deputy Director. It was during this time that Executive Orders were used to further extend the ban on so-called assault weapons and to implement the Brady Act. Given his prior work on the Assault Weapons Ban in the Senate, it would not surprise me that Burke assisted in this effort.Looking at Burke's background and his attitude towards gun rights and those who support them, I see this as even further confirmation that the intent of Operation Fast and Furious from the very beginning was to build support for another so-called assault weapons ban. I just don't think it was coincidental that Operation Fast and Furious was centered in Arizona as opposed New Mexico or west Texas where the U.S. Attorneys have long careers as prosecutors. -- John Richardson.
Ah, yes, George H.W. Bush, the recent annointee of Mitt Romney as the next GOP presidential candidate. Many trace the elder Bush's treason to the Second Amendment here as one of the principal cause of his reelection defeat in 1992. A read of Dave Kopel's George Bush and the NRA is instructive for background. DeConcini continues:
. . . At this time I received intense lobbying from both camps. Several police organizations, supportive of gun control in general and of the Metzenbaum bill in particular, approached me with the intent of seeking my endorsement of the legislation. At first, I rebuffed these overtures because I thought Senator Metzenbaum's bill was too draconian and could not generate enough support to become law. I agreed with the motivation and intent of the Ohio senator's legislative proposal, but after seriously reviewing the bill I had deep reservations about its broad provisions. . . I consulted with my majority counsel to the Judiciary Committee, Dennis Burke, who rightfully informed me that I could not turn my back on the police organizations, who, like the NRA, had supported me. -- pp. 108-109.
Ah, yes, the "police organizations," who were so very happy to be federalized and militarized and pampered and supported with ever greater budgets throughout the ever-growing drug war. Of course they were the "Only Ones" who could be trusted with guns, weren't they? You know why they call tyrannies "police states" don't you? Because the police call the shots. DeConcini:
(The NRA's) inflexible stance, coupled with the pressing need to take action, prompted me to offer a middle way through this political quagmire. . . (DeConcini then crafted, with the help of Dennis K. Burke, the "Anti-Drug Assault Weapons Limitation Act of 1989.) . . . In effect, my bill banned future sales of several types of semiautomatic assault weapons, both domestic and imported, but allowed present owners to keep their firearms. S747 called for prohibition of nine specific firearms, none of which was typically used for hunting . . . Dennis Burke helped navigate this legislation through seemingly innumerable obstacles. He has recalled that NRA officers and members "went through the roof" because to them I had defected to the other side. They immediately began a direct mail campaign against me. They also instituted a mass phone campaign to derail the proposed legislation. One humorous memo from Senator John McCain suggested the degree of commitment the NRA had in trying to scuttle my bill. . . "I mean, how many times can you hear the argument that it's every red-blooded American's right to carry an AK-47 to defend himself against those really vicious attack deer wearing Kevlar vests?" -- pp. 109-110....
. . . Dennis Burke reported that the lies and exaggerations (of the NRA) stretched credulity and were almost humorous, but we had to acknowledge that the NRA was sending this material to the voters of Arizona. Although this mailing no doubt caused me political damage, I knew that the NRA was hurting itself with this extreme reaction. My bill would prevent even harsher legislation . . .(Here, DeConcini recounts the struggle to get his version of the ban out of the Senate Judiciary Committee which was split along party lines. In the footnotes to this chapter he tells us: "Dennis Burke had many duties, but he was one of my primary staff on the Judiciary Committee." DeConcini indicates that a crucial vote was Arlen Specter, GOP Senator from Pennsylvania, who played coy games about the vote.) Although the Republicans on the committee remained calm, my counsel, Dennis Burke, informed me that in this particular instance Specter could be a wild card. . .
As Dennis and I waited and watched while the deadline for voting approached, we noticed that the Republican on the committee grew increasingly nervous. Several aides were sent to find Specter. Judiciary Committee Joe Biden (D-Delaware) counted off the final seconds. As he prepared to announce that the bill passed seven to six, Specter entered the room and stunned all of us with his actions. He looked at Biden and said, "I'm sorry, Mr. Chairman, I can't vote on this bill. My staff has not briefed me adequately." Then he turned and walked out. With that weird ending to the hearings, the Judiciary Committee moved my bill to the Senate floor. -- pp. 111-112So Burke's been right in the middle of trying to ban everything in sight, and was bigtime involved in Gunwalker. And we're supposed to believe it was a 'sting gone wrong'?